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Findings: Custom and Community

Findings: Custom and Community Complaints regarding ITC's method of initiating consultation and negotiation with land owners arose repeatedly in meetings held and in interviews. Allegations that elders and landowners were tricked into signing documents they did not understand are commonplace. Signatories had no copies of logging agreements, let alone any comprehension of their rights. This was well illustrated when Eric Bako, joint trustee of Land Register No. 687, attempted to access his own land for the assessment on 6/4/97. The forestry planning officer for ITC at the logging depot informed us that "landowners have no right to go on their own land". Eric Bako, having no copy of his logging agreement and unsure of his rights, was unwilling to proceed with the inspection until the Provincial Secretary in Buala assured him he was entitled to access his own property.

Water resources degredation and siltation were the most commonly perceived threat to the environment by Isabel Islanders interviewed. Siltation in streams and rivers from erosion was evident in logged areas, particularly at points where road construction practices were poor. This has a direct impact on aquatic species in streams and rivers and there were complaints of declining numbers of freshwater shellfish. However, the objections to stream degradation evoked much stronger emotion than that displayed for the depletion of other resources. The spoiling of rivers and streams may have caused such distress because it signified the extent to which changes to their environment were severe and beyond their control.

Community projects such as funding for clinics, schools and infrastructure promised by the company have failed to materialise, and resentment from villagers has increased. Women interviewed continually emphasised it was the promise of such benefits that allowed them to grudgingly accept logging in their areas, although all women interviewed were adamantly against the continuation of logging. The company's obligation to provide these benefits is not formalised in the logging agreement, and consequently not legally binding. However, there can be no doubt from community response that a verbal commitment was given to secure logging agreements.


Tabu Sites

According to the Logging Plan and Agreement, sites of significance are identified by the company, in conjunction with landowners, and protected by signs and perimeter marking. During field work the author witnessed no such markings but it was reported in interviews that destruction of Tabu sites had occurred and that evidence was buried by operators in order to avoid compensation payouts. In addition, the Standard Logging Agreement states that
"all sites shall be recorded on company maps and copies shall be provided to the Isabel Province and landowners."
(SLA, Clause 24)

Landowners had no such maps and were not aware if they existed.

Community Division

Without doubt, the most significant social impact of logging is the division it is creating among communities. The Kumpulan Emas Berhad 1995 Annual Report (p13) in discussing ITC's operations admitted that "true ownership is often difficult to establish", leading to dispute and protracted negotiation with land owners. In Solomon law, no logging can go ahead unless the legitimate owners of the land have been identified, and agree to company operations.

This "difficulty" was likely enhanced by the style of ITC negotiators. Simply asking villagers if they were landowners, it is not surprising that many people replied in the affirmative. After all, it is customary land and in this sense most people own it. They were then offered money and benefits for the village if they signed logging agreements. It was confirmed by many sources at interviews that this method was adopted by ITC in the Estrella Bay Region. In addition, many people with a legitimate stake in land sought for logging, may not be residing in the village involved in negotiation, either working away or residing in their spouse's village. On return to their traditional lands they were distressed to find it under lease.

The uncertainty attached to ownership adds to resentment and community division when those landowners who signed agreements receive payment. A motorised canoe is the typical purchase that results from this financial gain. In Isabel Province, this form of transport does reduce travel time markedly, but benefits the recipient, rather than the village as a whole. Women interviewed expressed resentment that it provided the means to access alcohol more readily from the capital, Buala.

Isabel society and culture are closely tied to the land. Traditional authority can be undermined when cash incomes remove the reliance people had on the land. This can be intensified by the unequal distribution of cash or royalties causing economic divisions where groups had previously been egalitarian. There is significant evidence that this process is occurring, to varying degrees, in the communities visited. The benefits that some members of the community have accrued from negotiation with ITC has led to bitter resentment from members of the clan who have received no benefit.