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The Need to Control Transnational Logging Companies
Part 1
| TRANSNATIONAL LOGGING COMPANIES have wreaked havoc in the world's
forests for decades. In the Philippines in the 1950s and 1960s, for example, U.S.
transnationals virtually denuded many forested areas with catastrophic effects on the
local population such as flooding.2 The Philippines has now gone from being a
net exporter of logs to being a net importer. The Philippines is far from being the only
country to have experienced unsustainable logging. Research published in 1989 concluded
that less than 1% of tropical timber in international trade came from sustainable sources.3
The former director of the UN FAO wrote in 1987: "Over the last two decades, massive tracts of virgin tropical forests have come under exploitation, in all three under-developed regions. That exploitation, with a few honourable exceptions, has been reckless, wasteful, even devastating. Nearly all the operations ... have had no profound or durable impact on the social and economic life of the countries where they have taken place ... Local needs are not being met; the employment opportunities are trifling. A significant part of the exports, as logs or as primary processed timber, is exported 'within the firm', and transfer values are fixed to facilitate the accumulation of profits outside the country....The contribution of forestry to improving the lot of the common people has been negligible so far".4 Reports such as these led to heightened awareness world-wide of the threats to all forests and the potential consequences of deforestation. But despite the hopes raised and promises made at the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio and a continuous effort at the international level since then to address these threats and consequences, deforestation and forest degradation are accelerating in many parts of the world.5 The last remaining areas of large, relatively intact forestsidentified as 'frontier forests' by the World Resources Institute (WRI)are increasingly under threat from unsustainable activities.6 WRI and others have identified that principal amongst these threats is large-scale commercial logging of the kind carried out in the vast majority of operations around the world today.7 Confirming this is a recent IUCN publication, which rates tree-felling, including both clear- and selective-felling, as the most frequently recorded threat (ahead of agriculture, settlement expansion, grazing and burning) to globally threatened tree species, and timber as the most recorded use of those species.8 Not only are most large-scale logging operations unsustainable; many are also illegal
within the countries of operation. Indeed, the forestry sector has a history of financial,
environmental and social misconduct from which it has escaped with relative impunity. This
was highlighted by the Barnett Enquiry into the activities of Japanese, Australian and
other transnational logging companies in Papua New Guinea in
the 1980s. A number of recent publications have drawn attention to the extent of illegal
activity in the forestry sector world-wide (see Table 1). The
relative weaknesses in civil society in the countries participating in this illegal trade
play a significant part in its perpetuation as well as in many other of the underlying
causes of deforestation. Several voluntary, market-based initiatives have recently been put forward in an attempt to address these problems, including a move within the Intergovernmental Forum on Forests (IFF) and calls from the G8 countries for voluntary codes of conduct for the logging industry. A study of forestry-related industries undertaken by a Canadian government department, however, suggests that relying on voluntary compliance is ineffective "in achieving even a marginally acceptable level of compliance or benefit to the environment".9 This study supports the findings of an independent survey which found that the main factors influencing organisations to take action on environmental issues were compliance with regulations, board of director liability and employees. The least influential factors were voluntary programmes, interest groups and trade considerations.10 Forest certification is another initiative aimed at improving forest management through voluntary market-based mechanisms and which offers some hope, provided that the criteria upon which the certification system is based are acceptable to all parties. The current trade in certified forest products, however, is less than 1% of the total. It is also clear that corporations which are currently involved in asset-stripping forests cannot be controlled through such voluntary mechanisms, since by their very nature such companies seek opportunities for short-term extractive investment. Indeed, certification may actually create asset-stripping behaviour in those companies which cannot meet standards and therefore divert trade towards less discriminating markets.11 The voluntary nature of certification and the tiny market share of certified products means that indiscriminate logging continues to have huge unabated impacts on forests and forest-dependent peoples. The experience of certification and other voluntary measures raises the fundamental question of how far the international community can expect transnational logging companies to become environmentally, socially, and even financially responsible of their own accord. Given the reality of their operations, voluntary measures alone are unlikely to improve the majority of transnational logging company operations to a measurable degree, let alone to curtail the worst excesses of the industry. This conclusion inevitably raises the need to consider a combination of national options and regional and international co-operation for the development of regulatory standards of practice to be applied to all logging companies and for the strengthening of civil society in order to ensure the sustainability of transnational logging company operations in two key areas: § the impacts of operations on forests and forest dependent peoples, including the disruption of successful local economies and the transfer of inappropriate technologies such as bulldozer logging; § illegally or unsustainably produced and traded forest products. Transnational logging companies already have the basis of such a framework within which to operate, namely the appropriate legislation of host countries. This provides the minimum criteria by which logging companies should undertake their activities and by which they should be judged. However, many host countries are institutionally weak and need international assistance to improve planning, management and monitoring capacities. Some national and international efforts are being directed at supporting some host countries to improve their forest policy and relevant legislation where it is inadequate, for instance in Cambodia, Guyana, the Solomon Islands and the Russian Far East, but much greater effort is still needed in a number of countries. Effective government monitoring and enforcement and the strengthening of civil society (via NGOs, trade unions or community groups for instance), are crucial to the successful implementation of regulation at both national and international levels. In addition, given the weak political and civil environments of many host countries within which transnational logging companies operate, the responsibility of the transnational's home base country is a useful mechanism to explore. |
| Title | Organisation | Year | Geographic |
|---|---|---|---|
| The Barnett Report; A summary | Asia-Pacific Action Group | 1990 | Papua New Guinea |
| Plunder in Ghana's Rainforest for Illegal Profit | Friends of the Earth | 1992 | Ghana |
| Illegal Tropical Timber Trade: Asia Pacific | Traffic Network | 1992 | Asia-Pacific |
| Bad Harvest; The Timber Trade and the Degradation of the World's Forests | WWF | 1995 | Global |
| Forests, Famine and War and others | Global Witness series of reports on Cambodia | 1995 onwards | Cambodia |
| Corporate Power, Corruption and the Destruction of the World's Forests | Environmental Investigation Agency | 1996 | Global |
| Illegal Logging and the Timber trade in Cameroon | Enviro-Protect | 1996 | Cameroon |
| Forest Management at Loggerheads: update report on illegal logging in Brazil | Friends of the Earth | 1996 | Brazil |
The Malaysian case study
This report presents a case study of the activities and impacts of
transnational logging companies which are headquartered in Malaysia, outlining their
economic, political, social and environmental impacts, both in Malaysia and in other
countries. Whilst Malaysian-based logging companies are far from unique in these respects,
Malaysian logging companies are of particular relevance for several reasons: § they have
recently and rapidly expanded to a large number of countries around the world (see Table 2) due to a declining log supply within Malaysia itself. This
expansion has been promoted by the Malaysian government; § the Malaysian government has
expressed concern that some of these companies are tarnishing Malaysia's reputation by
their overseas operations; § some of the largest Malaysian logging companies are barely
controlled within Malaysia; § Malaysian-based companies play a significant part in the
international trade in tropical logs and timber products; § Malaysia is a prominent actor
within the G77 regarding multilateral negotiations on forests; § Malaysia is an
influential member of the producers' caucus at ITTO.
Some of the most active Malaysian logging companies operating overseas are well-known to the indigenous peoples of Sarawak for causing forest degradation in their territories and seriously undermining their livelihoods and survival. The Malaysian government publicly stresses the need for its companies to operate responsibly abroad. Yet in the Malaysian state of Sarawak, which produces the majority of the country's logs and wood products, long-standing political and corporate ties have resulted in a blurring of the roles between the state government and logging interests, with senior state Ministers also directly involved in logging. This closeness has led to changes in legislation which favour corporate activities and which result in the disregard and repression of many actors within civil society which oppose unsustainable corporate behaviour. Some of the most active Malaysian logging companies operating overseas are well-known to the indigenous peoples of Sarawak for causing forest degradation in their territories and seriously undermining their livelihoods and survival, as outlined in this report. The domestic situation is worsened by the fact that, under the federal structure of the Malaysian constitution, individual states control forests. While this has been an obstacle to attempts by the federal government to address logging problems in Sarawak, it should not hinder the Malaysian government from regulating the same companies in their overseas operations. Much of the rapidly-expanding Malaysian investment in forestry is in other developing countries, placing Malaysian forestry companies in virtually all the last remaining large areas of the world's tropical rainforests. The largest Sarawak-based companies have sought listings on the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange (KLSE) to expand their corporate profile and provide access to international money markets. This South-South investment brings an opportunity and a responsibility to avoid creating exploitative relationships such as those invariably brought about by North-South investment from colonial times onwards. No other Southern country has the same influence and spread of logging activities as Malaysia. Malaysia is therefore well-positioned to show vision in controlling its transnational logging companies, for example by establishing a regulatory framework within which its companies can operate, both at home and abroad.
|
| Unlike some Northern governments, Malaysia recognises that its transnational
corporations have a responsibility to behave within the framework of local legislation in
the host country. Senior ministers have called on companies to safeguard Malaysia's image
abroad: When visiting Brazil in 1996, the Malaysian Minister of Primary Industries, Datuk Dr Lim Keng Yaik, was reported as saying that "Malaysian investors should obey the laws of the land and seek sustainable practices in order to create a trusting relationship".12 Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has been reported as saying that "Malaysian businessmen who invest in other countries had always been reminded to take into consideration the needs of the people there. He said the businessmen had also been constantly reminded to be sensitive to environmental issues in the countries they invested in to protect Malaysia's image."13 |
Table 2: Malaysian logging companies' interests 1990-1997.
| Company Name | Countries of operation | Size of Concessions |
|---|---|---|
| Aokam Perdana Bhd | Sabah (Malaysia) (l) Myanmar (p,l) |
256,000 ha 3,400,000 ha |
| Associated Kaolin Industries Bhd | Gabon | 104,758 ha |
| Atlantic Industries Ltd | Belize | 80,000 ha |
| Austral Amalgamated Bhd | Cameroon (p) | 60,000 ha |
| Best World Land/ Mun Loong Bhd | Laos (p) | 250,000 ha |
| Berjaya Group | Solomon Islands (a) Solomon Islands (a) Suriname (p) Guyana ( e.l.) |
45,000 ha 600,000 ha 300,000 ha 760,000 ha |
| Best World Land Bhd | Laos (p) | 250,000 ha |
| Chew Piau / Eastern Era | Papua New Guinea (p) | 507,300 ha |
| Damansara Realty Bhd | Papua New Guinea | 121,000 ha |
| General Lumber Fabricators and Builders Bhd | Papua New Guinea | 9,600 ha |
| Hipa Heavy Machinery Suppliers Sdn Bhd | Laos | 600,000 ha |
| Idris Hydraulic Bhd | Sabah (Malaysia) Myanmar (p) Democratic Republic of Congo (p) Gabon |
256,000 ha 3,400,000 ha 1,250,000 ha 246,500 ha |
| Innovest Bhd | Congo Democratic Republic of Congo (p) |
336,000 ha 707,000 ha |
| KTS Group | Sarawak (Malaysia) Brazil (p) |
? 415,400 ha |
| Kumpulan Emas Bhd | Solomon Islands | 466,143 ha |
| Land & General Bhd | West Papua / Irian Jaya (l) Cameroon Papua New Guinea |
800,000 ha ? 193,281 ha |
| Lien Hoe Corporation | Indonesia Liberia |
180,000 ha 152,000 ha |
| Long Huat Group Bhd | Sabah (Malaysia) Papua New Guinea |
4,860 ha ? |
| Mafira Group | Guyana (e.l.) | 760,000 ha |
| Nila Wood Industries Sdn Bhd / Maving Brothers Ltd | Solomon Islands | ? |
| Parklane | Vanuatu | ? |
| Primegroup Holdings Ltd | Guyana Papua New Guinea |
800,000 ha ? |
| Rimbunan Hijau Group | Sarawak (Malaysia) New Zealand Papua New Guinea Cameroon Equatorial Guinea Gabon Vanuatu Brazil Russian Far East |
800,000 ha ? approx. 2,000,000 ha 114,650 ha ? ? ? 53,997 ha 305,000 ha |
| Samling Corporation | Sarawak (Malaysia) Guyana Cambodia Brazil (p) New Zealand |
1,500,000 ha 1,690,000 ha approx.800,000 ha 993,694 ha ? |
| Solid Timber Sdn Bhd | Malaysia Guyana (e.l.) Papua New Guinea |
500,000 ha 760,000 ha ? |
| Syuen Corporation Sdn Bhd | Laos | ? |
| Tenaga Khemas Sdn Bhd | Guyana (inc. e,l) | 793,354 ha |
| Timbermaster Industries Bhd | Sabah (Malaysia) Madagascar (p) Malawi (p) Gabon (a) |
12,100 ha 500,000 ha 120,000 ha 220,000 ha |
| WTK Group | Sarawak (Malaysia) Brazil Papua New Guinea |
400,000 ha 313,719 ha ? |
| ZimMal Holdings | Zimbabwe | 50,000 ha |
| a = aborted l = log supply agreement p = proposed e.l. = exploratory lease (refer to text for explanation) ? = concession details not known NB: The Sabah and Myanmar concessions mentioned for Aokam Perdana Bhd and Idris Hydraulic Bhd are the same (see Company Profiles for explanation) |
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