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Part 1: Regional Overview

People and forests in Central Africa

THE CONGO BASIN contains the second largest area of tropical rainforest in the world after the Amazon Basin. Renowned for its biodiversity, this forest is home to culturally diverse peoples who directly depend on the forest for food, building materials and medicines. Non-timber forest products (NTFPs) and subsistence agriculture have traditionally formed the basis of local livelihoods and exchange networks between different groups of people living in these forest areas. Social interactions have involved complex sets of economic, social and power relationships between and within these groups. For example, Pygmies have traditionally hunted bushmeat, collected honey and other NTFPs from the forest which they trade with neighbouring Bantu farmers for agricultural products and other goods. The relationships between these groups, however, have rarely been based on equality, and Pygmies have often found themselves discriminated against. However, all the people who live in and depend on the rainforests of Central Africa, whether hunter-gatherers or sedentary farmers and fisherpeople, are invariably excluded from decision-making concerning the management and use of the forests upon which they depend for their livelihoods and, in the case of Pygmy groups, for their spiritual and cultural identity. This exclusion means that local peoples’ needs are not taken into account when governments, often under pressure from multilateral and bilateral creditors, decide on forest management strategies.

Villagers in South East Cameroon Local people have few or non-existent tenure rights to the forests upon which they depend. Development policies, often imposed by multilateral and bilateral creditors, and implemented by remote, weak and sometimes corrupt governments, allocate large tracts of these forests to sometimes equally corrupt forestry companies as concessions for timber extraction. The balance of power regarding forest use, management and rights tilts even further away from local people and towards private interests, often represented by a few transnational corporations. In this framework, the opportunities for fostering local-level development that brings long-term benefits equitably to all local people, whilst safeguarding the ecological importance of the forests, are rarely considered. At worst, such opportunities are lost altogether as resources become degraded.

Whilst those who promote industrial forestry as the best development option for Central Africa’s forests highlight the direct benefits of employment provision and infrastructure development such as schools, clinics and churches, evidence from the ground presents a complex and far from positive picture of the impact of such operations on local development and livelihoods.

Part of the rationale for promoting industrial timber production is that the sector contributes to poverty alleviation in the region. This rationale needs to be challenged. A 1991 Oxfam report concluded that opening up Africa’s forests to exploitation would "cause an increase in poverty rather than its resolution", whilst a 1990 report for the European Community stated that "forestry development and deforestation generally go hand in hand with the redistribution of wealth from the poorest … to a national elite and foreign companies (and) widen the gap between the rich and the poor in tropical countries".1 In February 2000, a workshop organised by the UK government’s Department for International Development (DFID) found that industrial timber production in Cameroon "tends to benefit a small minority (often foreign investors), and its contribution to poverty alleviation is minimal." 2 The workshop made a series of recommendations which would need to be implemented before local development could be equitably achieved, including greater transparency in the use of the income generated by forest resources; equity in the redistribution of income; institutional decentralisation; and creating favourable conditions for local people to help alleviate poverty themselves.3

Timber is a valuable commodity, fetching high prices on international markets. In 1999, the value of timber imported into the EU from the Central African countries featured in this report was US$ 609 million.4 Yet the producing countries struggle to provide even basic services to the majority of their populations. Although specific social development projects may be outlined in the logging agreement between the government and companies, these projects are sometimes undertaken in lieu of tax payments or under contract to the government and thus are undertaken at the government’s, not the company’s, expense. Logging companies have not always met their formal or informal agreements with regard to social provision.5 In some instances, meanwhile, taxes have been paid by companies for local infrastructure developments which have not materialised6 or which are so poorly equipped or staffed that they are unable to provide basic services (see boxes pages 19 and 50).

Local communities themselves see just a tiny fraction, if any, of the money generated by the international trade in timber. Some employment opportunities arise, but not necessarily for people living locally; employment is often short-term and remuneration is generally low. Facilities for the workforce are often provided but the quality of provision can be very poor and other people have varying rights of access to these facilities. On the other hand, the arrival of large-scale forestry operations disrupts the existing local livelihood base and access to forest resources. NTFPs become scarce, resulting in a direct loss of income for many local peoples; women and the elderly are particularly badly affected as they are often the ones to collect and trade in NTFPs, providing valuable food and cash for families. The changing roles and relationships which develop within and between communities generates conflict and often results in the marginalisation of certain communities, such as Pygmies, and community members, such as women and the elderly. Some of the most valuable trees in terms of timber have been highly valued locally for their many uses. The over-exploitation of these species can seriously disrupt local livelihoods and lead to a net loss of cash income for many (see the Moabi and Sapelli boxes).

The Moabi issue

By Catarina Cardoso

Growing up to 60 metres tall and 5 metres in diameter, Moabi is one of the largest trees found in the forests of the Congo Basin.1 Its timber is exploited in Cameroon, Gabon - where production is rapidly increasing - and, to a lesser extent, in Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo.2 Moabi is very fragile in terms of regeneration since it flowers late - not till 50 or 70 years of age - and fruit production only occurs once every three years.3 Indiscriminate logging thus easily leads to its extinction4 and in some areas Moabi has indeed already been logged out.5 Moabi trees are particularly important to the local populations and disputes with logging companies over this species are frequent, especially in Cameroon.

For Bantu villagers and Baka Pygmies (particularly the Bantu and Baka women), Moabi is important in economic, cultural and medicinal terms.6 Moabi fruits are edible and from the bark of the tree they extract remedies for dental and back problems.7 From the fruit seeds they produce Karité oil, which is used for both consumption and trade. Demand in Cameroonian markets for Karité oil is higher than supply and revenues from selling moabi oil represent an important source of income. Estimates suggest that oil revenues for a 10 year period surpass timber revenues for a tree of 100 centimetres diameter, the minimum size trees must legally be when logged.8 The tree's non-timber value is not only recognised by local markets but also by the French cosmetics industry which has shown an interest in the oil.9

Moabi is also valuable in international timber markets and demand from Southern Europe is particularly high.10 However, in relative terms Moabi does not appear to represent a significant component of companies' revenues and country exports. In Cameroon, Moabi timber represents 10% of companies' total production and between 3.4% and 5% of the total export value of logs of all species.11 The main Moabi exporter is Gabon, whose exports have considerably increased in the last three years, from 26,052 cubic metres in 1996 to 39,724 cubic metres in 1998.12 Cameroon produced 33,000 cubic metres in 1997 and 35,000 cubic metres in 1998.13 In Equatorial Guinea production is also on the rise, and estimates suggest that it doubled from 1,000 cubic metres in the early 1990s, to 2,000 cubic metres in 1999.14

Moabi trees located within 5 kilometres of the village cannot be logged unless the chief of the village agrees to it and in such a case the population must be compensated. In practice, most Moabi trees near villages have been logged and the local population have not always been compensated.15 Local populations in Cameroon have often demanded recognition of their rights but without success.16

Moabi logging practices are generally unsustainable and the species may disappear in a large part of its original areas of distribution in 10 to 20 years.17 In the Dja forests of Cameroon nearly all valuable trees are logged without companies undertaking any initiative to ensure the regeneration of species.18 Over-harvesting occurs because companies do not comply with the law as well as because the law itself is not sufficiently protective of Moabi. Companies regularly disrespect the legal requirement that trees of less than 100 centimetres diameter should not be logged.19 In July 1999, for example, logs of only 65 centimetres and 85 centimetres diameter were found in the French port of Nantes-St.-Nazaire.20 However, even if only trees of 100 centimetres diameter were cut, the regeneration of Moabi would still be at serious risk.21 Specialists argue that it is necessary to increase the minimum diameter of trees logged and to implement measures to conserve "mother trees" that can ensure regeneration of the species.22 World Bank staff go further, advocating a total ban on Moabi logging and arguing that "management plans must be devised in collaboration with local people to ban logging of similar [to moabi] trees".23

Forestry operations act as a magnet, often attracting thousands of newcomers deep into the rainforest. These new settlements are totally dependent on forestry activities; once the timber extraction finishes, the towns invariably collapse. Such boom-and-bust towns are not sustainable: they cause social tensions between newcomers and existing communities, increase pressure on natural resources including bushmeat, and facilitate alcoholism and prostitution.

Pygmies are particularly affected by the presence of forestry companies, as they become even more marginalised in relation to their farming neighbours and the newcomers to the forest.7 In the logging camps of the southern forests, especially around the borders between Central African Republic, Cameroon and Congo (Brazzaville), Pygmies make up between 30% and 47% of the workforce.8 Well-known for their skills in the forest, they are hired as guides to find the best trees and to hunt for bushmeat.9 But Pygmies are discriminated against in relation to other ethnic groups working in the camps, being given fewer amenities than the latter. In terms of health, food and spiritual life, they also suffer. Diseases such as alcoholism, malaria, ulcers and tuberculosis, for example, are widespread in the camps.

With the degradation of forests, traditional ways of life are being eroded, threatening food security and livelihoods.10 Whilst the hunting of bushmeat has been a traditional livelihood for forest peoples, in particular Pygmies, the development of a large-scale commercial trade in bushmeat is relatively recent and has been directly and indirectly facilitated by the development of timber production. As a result of the commercialisation of the bushmeat trade, wildlife populations are being decimated, including rare and endangered animals such as elephants and lowland gorillas. In response, partnerships are being formed between the private sector, international environmental NGOs and government ministries to reduce the hunting of non-protected species, to establish bushmeat substitution programmes, for example fish breeding and chicken farms, and to eliminate the hunting of protected species such as primates and elephants.

Other challenges, however, remain largely unaddressed: how to ensure that development of these fragile forest areas does not lead to the deterioration of the forests themselves; how to ensure that traditional rights of indigenous forest peoples are upheld; how to ensure that development and/or conservation is inclusive and equitable, and does not favour one group over another; how to ensure that the benefits of development are fairly distributed over the long-term between private companies, the state and local populations; how to protect the integrity of key areas of biological and cultural importance in an equitable and culturally sensitive way; how to mitigate or halt commercial forestry operations if they generate poverty, degrade the forests and diminish local peoples’ future rights to healthy forests. The solutions to some of these problems will require radical changes in power balances, approaches to forest management and policy formation.

Indigenous Uses For The Sapelli Tree In Northern Congo

 By Jerome Lewis

For all ethnic groups living in northern Congo the sapelli tree (boyo in Mbendjele and mboyo in Lingala) represents an important and highly valued resource. Its uses fall into three categories: Food, medicine, and as a construction material.

Large sapelli are the unique host of the Imbrasia (Nudaurelia) oyemensis caterpillar, a highly regarded local delicacy. Their importance is shown by the period when the caterpillars fall from the trees being named 'caterpillar season' and studies have shown that 75% of the protein eaten by Pygmies at this time is from caterpillars.1 Caterpillars fall from large emergent trees during the rainy season when game is difficult to hunt, fishing is unsuccessful and next season's crops are not yet ripe. Both farmers and hunter-gatherers consider the caterpillars a blessing.

Sapelli caterpillars are especially valued for their delicious taste and great numbers collected in a short time. Their small size (c.60mm by 15mm) and firm texture allow them to dry out exceptionally well for preservation. Sapelli caterpillars are a high value trade item in local commerce. Collecting caterpillars is a communal task providing an important source of income for women and the elderly.

The most important medicinal properties of sapelli are the analgesic and anti-inflammatory effects of the bark and outer trunk. It may also have certain anti-bacterial properties.2 It is commonly used for the treatment of the severe head-aches associated with malaria, of swollen and painful eye infections and also to relieve exhausted and painful feet.

The qualities of durability, strength, buoyancy and water-resistance result in sapelli wood being considered the best for making pirogues. Sapelli is also desired for the central roof-supports of local houses.